Historically traumatic experiences such as massacres, forced removal to reservations, attendance at oppressive boarding/residential schools, and other colonial events have had lasting intergenerational impacts on many Indigenous populations and are thought to contribute to many of today’s areas of disparity. Historical trauma has been defined as the “cumulative emotional and psychological wounding, over the lifespan and across generations, emanating from massive group trauma experiences”1. Multiple conceptual models have sought to explain how historically traumatic experiences are passed between generations2, 3. Regardless of the exact mechanism(s) of trauma transmission, scholars have indicated that it is important to understand that historical events continue to impact Indigenous children and families4, 5, and–particularly for those whose elders attended boarding schools–the impact of long-term separation from families is thought to negatively impact parenting practices6, 7.
While decades have passed since the worst boarding school days, many schools today continue to create culture clashes for their Indigenous students. What Indigenous families may do to prepare their children for learning in traditional ways may not be valued by professional educators and policy makers8. This is problematic, as Romero-Little (2010) noted, because “instructional practices work best when they are a logical extension of the socialization practices and beliefs of a people–or at least, they are not in conflict with them…”9. To make such logical connections, it is important for school staff to get to know the families and communities that Indigenous students come from so that they may gain a greater understanding of their traditional culture, language, and ways of learning10. When such connections are not genuinely fostered, ongoing strife can emerge with court orders mandating programming that district staff are not heavily invested in seeing succeed11.
In my own professional experiences, it has often been much easier to address learners where they are at in smaller and more culturally-specific educational settings.
Sources:
1, 6 Brave Heart, M. Y. H. (2007). The impact of historical trauma: The example of the Native community. In Bussey, M., & Wise, J. B. (Eds.), Trauma transformed: An empowerment response (pp. 176-193). New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
2 Sotero, M. (2006). A conceptual model of historical trauma: Implications for public health practice and research. Journal of Health Disparities Research and Practice, 1(1), 93-108.
3 Bombay, A., Matheson, K., & Anisman, H. (2009). Intergenerational trauma: Convergence of multiple processes among First Nations peoples in Canada. Journal of Aboriginal Health, 5(3), 6-47.
4 Sarche, M. C., & Whitesell, N. R. (2012). Child development research in North American Native communities—looking back and moving forward: Introduction. Child Development Perspectives, 6(1), 42-48.
5 Ball, J. (2012b). Federal investments in strengthening Indigenous capacity for culturally based early childhood education and care. In N. Howe and L. Prochner (Eds.) Recent perspectives on early childhood education and care in Canada (pp. 337-366). Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
7 Brave Heart, M. Y. H. (1999). Oyate ptayela: Rebuilding the Lakota nation through addressing historical trauma among Lakota parents. Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 2(1/2), 109-126.
8, 9 Romero-Little, M. E. (2010). How should young indigenous children be prepared for learning? A vision of early childhood education for indigenous children. Journal of American Indian Education, 49(1/2), 7-27.
10 Romero-Little, M. E. (2011). Learning the community’s curriculum: The linguistic, social, and cultural resources of American Indian and Alaska Native children. In American Indian and Alaska Native children and mental health: Development, context, prevention, and treatment (pp. 89-99). Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger.
11 Shields, C. M. Minoritizing as a way of pathologizing: An example drawn from Navajo education. (2005). In C. M. Shields, R. Bishop, & A. E. Mazawi, Pathologizing practices: The impact of deficit thinking on education (pp. 23-53). New York: Peter Lang Publishing Inc.
While decades have passed since the worst boarding school days, many schools today continue to create culture clashes for their Indigenous students. What Indigenous families may do to prepare their children for learning in traditional ways may not be valued by professional educators and policy makers8. This is problematic, as Romero-Little (2010) noted, because “instructional practices work best when they are a logical extension of the socialization practices and beliefs of a people–or at least, they are not in conflict with them…”9. To make such logical connections, it is important for school staff to get to know the families and communities that Indigenous students come from so that they may gain a greater understanding of their traditional culture, language, and ways of learning10. When such connections are not genuinely fostered, ongoing strife can emerge with court orders mandating programming that district staff are not heavily invested in seeing succeed11.
In my own professional experiences, it has often been much easier to address learners where they are at in smaller and more culturally-specific educational settings.
Sources:
1, 6 Brave Heart, M. Y. H. (2007). The impact of historical trauma: The example of the Native community. In Bussey, M., & Wise, J. B. (Eds.), Trauma transformed: An empowerment response (pp. 176-193). New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
2 Sotero, M. (2006). A conceptual model of historical trauma: Implications for public health practice and research. Journal of Health Disparities Research and Practice, 1(1), 93-108.
3 Bombay, A., Matheson, K., & Anisman, H. (2009). Intergenerational trauma: Convergence of multiple processes among First Nations peoples in Canada. Journal of Aboriginal Health, 5(3), 6-47.
4 Sarche, M. C., & Whitesell, N. R. (2012). Child development research in North American Native communities—looking back and moving forward: Introduction. Child Development Perspectives, 6(1), 42-48.
5 Ball, J. (2012b). Federal investments in strengthening Indigenous capacity for culturally based early childhood education and care. In N. Howe and L. Prochner (Eds.) Recent perspectives on early childhood education and care in Canada (pp. 337-366). Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
7 Brave Heart, M. Y. H. (1999). Oyate ptayela: Rebuilding the Lakota nation through addressing historical trauma among Lakota parents. Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 2(1/2), 109-126.
8, 9 Romero-Little, M. E. (2010). How should young indigenous children be prepared for learning? A vision of early childhood education for indigenous children. Journal of American Indian Education, 49(1/2), 7-27.
10 Romero-Little, M. E. (2011). Learning the community’s curriculum: The linguistic, social, and cultural resources of American Indian and Alaska Native children. In American Indian and Alaska Native children and mental health: Development, context, prevention, and treatment (pp. 89-99). Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger.
11 Shields, C. M. Minoritizing as a way of pathologizing: An example drawn from Navajo education. (2005). In C. M. Shields, R. Bishop, & A. E. Mazawi, Pathologizing practices: The impact of deficit thinking on education (pp. 23-53). New York: Peter Lang Publishing Inc.